THE REFERENDUM vote by the people of Ulster giving a distinct 'Yes' to the Good Friday deal - albeit with less certainty among the Protestant community - is a platform for lasting peace.

After 30 years of violence and nearly 3,500 murders, this rejection by the province's people and its resounding endorsement by the voters of the Irish Republic spells out clearly to the bombers and bigots that if they ever had a mandate, they have none now.

But encouraging though all this is, now comes the practical task of making the intentions work governmentally - against a background of considerable obstacles to that aim.

First, come the elections to the new Ulster assembly in which the old divisions, so roundly rejected in principle in the referendum, may in practice be underlined once more as nationalists and loyalists vote for "their" parties and the "loser" Unionist factions wage a campaign to wreck the assembly from within. Then, there is the imminent marching season - always a potential flashpoint for trouble and, now, perhaps, even more so if diehard 'No' voters use the occasion to make their voice heard.

Also, what, too, of the surrender of weapons by the terrorists? Will they now heed the message that their mandate for violence has ended?

How can their politicians claim seats or even executive roles in the new assembly if the movements they represent adhere still to the bullet while embracing the ballot box? And what happens if and when they are ordered to give up their arms or get out?

Thus, amid the understandable euphoria over Friday's historic referendum result, there is some sober thinking to be done - especially, by the politicians who must not lose sight of what the people of Ireland have clearly called for.

It is their desire for peace that should override the obstacles that the process faces, but the path may be far from smooth.

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